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a Christian empire as in die time of the Tsars ". And,
given the distribution of power which existed in Europe
i*i 1945, the old Tsardom would have dominated Poland,
Czechoslovakia, Hungary and the Balkans, just as the
Soviets do now, though it would have used something
different from the Marxian ideology to facilitate the
execution of its purpose. All this carries with it die
further corollary that we ought to attach very great •
importance to a study which in England at least has
gravely declined and is woefully out of fashion, namely,
pure diplomatic history regarded as a technique in
itseljF; for it was just the characteristic of this technical
diplomatic history to lay bare the essential geometry of
the problem and isolate for examination the fundamental
predicament that required a solution. Indeed what I
am doing in this paper is to elicit the moral implications
of that whole system of thought which is invoked in
diplomatic history—and I am asserting that the new
diplomacy of our time, as well as its dependent forms of
historiography, though they are more self-righteous than
the old, are in reality less moral, at any rate in certain

We have already noted, however, that in the com-
plicated realm of historical events, no pattern ever
appears in a pure and unadulterated form—and certainly,
when a diplomatic issue is presented to us for resolution,
we can never say that both sides are exactly balanced in
point of morality, exacdy equal in the virtues of their
leading statesmen. The original issue may be aggravated
and gready intensified by the aggressiveness of a politician
in one country or the barbarism of a regime in another